By David McDowall
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Additional info for A Modern History of the Kurds
Linz (eds), Sultanistic Regimes, Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998. 37 The sources on these events are numerous. See, for example, ‘Taimurtash’, ‘Davar’, ‘Amir Tahmasebi’ and ‘Dashti’ in Ebrahim Khajeh Nuri, Bazigaran-e Asr-e Tala’i, Tehran: Jibi, 1978 (and ‘Amir Khosravi’, ‘Ayrom’, etc, in the ﬁrst, complete, edition, Tehran, 1942. ), Zendegi-ye Tufani: Khaterat-e Sayyed Hasan Taqizadeh, Tehran: Elmi, 1993. Nasrollh Saifpur Fatemi, Ay’ineh-ye Ebrat, vol. 2, London: Jebheh, 1990.
He still had considerable popular following and carried a good deal of weight within the political establishment. 28 The evidence strongly suggests that Modarres was hoping for a settlement whereby the Shah would have the army and security forces as well as a considerable amount of say in civil administration, but would leave some real role for political pundits in the Majlis. The two men decided on a cabinet headed by Mostawﬁ alMamalek. The two most important appointments were those of Vosuq as minister of ﬁnance and Taqizadeh as minister of foreign affairs, but the latter declined the offer.
He wrote in some minutes: It is difﬁcult for anyone who remembers the old regime to believe that the old princes and their supporters can tamely accept such a usurper. Even if it appears to work at ﬁrst it will be surprising if a reaction does not follow . . 25 These words do not reﬂect opposition by Oliphant to the change – although neither do they reﬂect support for it – since the British government was neutral in the matter. They reﬂect, rather, the experience of European society and history, where there was a continuous, long-term aristocracy, which was not only independent from the state, but the state tended to depend on it and on other inﬂuential classes.